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A Year Since Abbottabad

Moeed Pirzada | PIQUE |

On the night of 1st May 2012, US President Barack Obama quietly landed in Afghanistan to conclude a long awaited agreement with President Hamid Karzai. This agreement outlines the nature of US role and engagement in the region after the 2014 withdrawal. Though Obama’s trip to region was unannounced but a TV address to the Americans back home was part of the schedule.

Can anyone miss the timing? Exactly one year after the killing of Osama Bin Laden in Abbottabad, and five months before the next elections, the US President zoomed out to the Americans, from an Air force hangar on Bagram airbase, within the theatre of war in Afghanistan, reminding them, without needing many words or direct references, of how they should perceive him: decisive, bold and a risk taker who sticks to plans unwaveringly and delivers on what he promises.

To his critics, Obama was never the national security president. If anything, this represented to them his Achilles heel; he was someone who did not serve in the military, someone who had opposed wars, was weak on Iran and not a real supporter of Israel; and his Afghanistan strategies of troop build-up and withdrawals never made much sense to them. Killing of Osama Bin Laden as he had promised changed all that. No wonder his campaign managers- masters of neuro-linguistic programming (NLP) -are whispering precisely that in millions of ears, in a very subtle way. Vice President Joe Biden was the usual uncouth who openly said it on 26th April while speaking at New York University in Manhattan when he made his famous comments that “Osama Bin Laden is dead and General Motors is alive”. But the message from the invisible campaign managers is clear: Obama now stands head and shoulder above the Republicans and the likes of Mitt Romney when it comes to taking risky decisions on national security.

Ironically if Obama and those around him had celebrated the death of Bin Laden with such overt political fanfare and point scoring in the May of 2011, then Republicans or their allies in media will have been tempted to raise some of those difficult and embarrassing questions which many others outside the mainstream media were trying to grapple. But then Obama sold Bin Laden’s death as a sombre moment of national unity and Republicans had no option but to camouflage their anxieties and rally around him for an enthusiastic cheer.

But even after a year of jubilation and plethora of writings on the subject those questions still remain valid and need answers. Most writings that have appeared since the Bin Laden death, either relying upon sources in Washington or those involved directly or indirectly with operation Neptune Spear, have tried giving operational details with such flare and in such minutiae that they become ridiculous or perhaps suspect in intention. For instance we now know that the military dog used in the operation was a Belgian Malinois named Cairo. We live in a day and age in which limitations of human mind have been studied very well, and one such limitation is that if you overload the field of information with abundant details of diverse nature, then on one hand you reduce the mind’s ability to critically evaluate it and on the other, you end up making your arguments look credible.

Another reason why official positions of western governments are seldom critically evaluated is the fear of being accused as a “conspiracy theorist” Take the interesting example of open source encyclopaedia “Wikipedia” which has about a forty page long entry on the death of Osama Bin Laden but has summed up all criticism of the same account in 5-6 lines under the heading, “Conspiracy theories”. Those who have the power of creating narrative have also mastered the art of protecting the narrative by delegitimizing the critic by branding him or her as a conspiracy theorist. Yet the questions raised by the so called conspiracy theorists may lead to alternative explanation of the same event.

Skeptics, in Pakistan and across Muslim world, belong to different shades and strata and don’t necessarily have a common narrative or position. If you hear them it is obvious that they are unable to come up with a coherent alternative explanation of what might have happened but all of them were intrigued by many aspects of the official American narrative: no body to display, no photos or video, an unimaginably quick DNA testing, and a hasty disposal in sea within hours while the world was still waking up and rubbing its eyes and ears to hear, absorb and make sense of the news. But let’s look at some aspects by zooming in. To begin with: why did the initial sequence of events keep changing on 2nd May, 2011? Initially, it was said that Obama and his national security team watched the whole operation via a video link and that a commando identified OBL -who was unarmed – and shot him once the permission was granted from Washington. As soon as the question about why he was not captured alive when it was possible to do so started doing the rounds, the story abruptly and embarrassingly changed into a new version in which video link was lost for twenty minutes and the commandos on the ground took decisions as per the evolving situation.

Though some skeptics even question if the man who was killed was OBL, the far more important question is that why wasn’t America’s and international community’s declared public enemy number one captured alive? Though he was never indicted for crimes of 9/11 but he carried an indictment for his role in the Tanzania & Kenya bombings of 1998; why was, then, Operation Neptune Spear, as we so clearly know now, predetermined as a Kill Operation? This becomes a very provocative question if one considers that Khalid Sheikh Mohammad and others whom the 9/11 Commission found directly responsible for the terrorist acts related to twin towers were arrested and are passing through a long drawn prosecution. What was it so different for Osama Bin Laden when he was liable to be arrested, under US law, because of pending indictments? Was he impossible to deal with because narrative of the last one decade had made him bigger than what he really was? Or a closure was being sought by ending his chapter?

Let’s move forward; let’s accept that for some reasons of the deep state or national security or legal complications of trial it was decided to eliminate him, to seek closure but why not display his body to the media or to the world? This has been a practice from times immemorial and Americans have not shied away from putting bodies on display; Oday & Qusay in Iraq or Mosab Zarqawi are good examples. But forget about the display of body, US even refused showing the videos or photo for fear of graphic images. This sudden US sensitivity for Muslim feelings, that had never been seen before or fear of public reactions that never materialized became quiet unconvincing explanations. The very fact that not much happened in any part of the Muslim world in response to Bin Laden’s death only serves to prove that the reasoning advanced to justify strange US actions had no basis in reality.

It was in response to such concerns everywhere that government watch dog group, “Judicial Watch” and later Associated Press had filed requests under the Freedom of Information Act (FIOA) with the US military and CIA to view and obtain photos of the Bin Laden killing. US military took the position that it does not have any such photos or videos and CIA rejected the request citing that national security gives it immunity from FIOA. Judicial Watch sued CIA in the federal court and after many months of hearings, a few days ago, on 26th April 2012, Judge James Boasberg agreed with the position of CIA and military that releasing such photos will be a threat to US national security.

If national security concerns have become an issue so important in a country like the United States that they override the rights created under the Freedom of Information Act then it was pointless to expect any transparency in Pakistan. Though much has been made of the presence of Bin Laden ladies and children or the startling information they provided to investigators. The fact remains that in a country without any culture of institutional transparency and accountability, the Bin Laden ladies and children were tightly guarded like sacred Faberge eggs; whatever information was collected from them trickled out to some select sources or western journalists in a most regulated fashion to be used in a desirable way to advance the dominant official versions of both the United States and Pakistan. Pakistani journalists had many troubling questions about these ladies, their relations with OBL, their possible role in the events that transpired but these could not be explored.

The bottom line is that whatever we know and believe or are forced to believe in the absence of alternative sources of information is because the governments of both the US and Pakistan have told us so. This is hardly an enviable position given the history of both governments to mislead their publics. We don’t know many things: How was Osama Bin Laden living in Pakistan for so long without being detected? Was the relationship between the US & Pakistan post OBL death as antagonistic as it appeared from the accusations of Leon Panetta? Why despite US media’s haranguing that “someone in Pakistan must have known” the US government has not pursued this line of enquiry? What was the basis of the claim by many, including Gen. Musharraf that OBL may have died of kidney failure? If the man who died in Abbottabad was indeed OBL then he could not have been in need of renal dialysis in 2000, so was that a calculated disinformation?; And by whom? Why did President Bush keep on showing disinterest in the fate of OBL? What was the significance of the OBL tapes that kept on appearing on strange timings, for instance the famous admission that appeared just before the second Bush election in 2004?

Sometimes puns and jokes say it better. After OBL’s killing whenever the US media and politicians or even the pundits in India raised this question: how could nobody in Pakistan know? They wanted to argue that Pakistani establishment or a part of it must have been complicit with OBL or Al Qaeda. The narrative in Pakistan had been somewhat different.

Here, after 2002, there was a twofold argument: one, OBL must have died of kidney failure or, if he was alive, he must be in a safe house, to be traded with the Americans at a suitable time. Many also thought that ISI & CIA must have kept him in “custody” to be used at an opportune moment. The joke was: OBL will be arrested or killed before a US election; though everyone thought it will be to help the Republicans.

A government-appointed investigative commission, commonly referred to as Abbottabad Commission has been working for the past several months. It has interviewed almost everyone who had reason to know something or could have offered any insight into these and many other questions and the jokes. Its report is expected somewhere in the middle of May 2012. But I doubt if Commission will be able to offer any definite answers to many of these questions or public jokes. The reason may not be for lack of understanding. It is quite possible that the state of affairs between the US & Pakistani establishments on the issue of OBL may not have been as “unfriendly” as it appeared because of the violation of the Pakistani airspace and it is quite possible that President Obama has not been the kind of risk taker which his campaign managers want Mitt Romney and the American voters to believe.

Who Cooked Their Goose?

Moeed Pirzada | PIQUE |

Though the honourable Supreme Court, Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), NADRA and Attorney General of Pakistan are still battling at the tail end of a debate about the right of overseas Pakistanis to vote and the latest twist is talk of a Presidential ordinance that will do the trick (at the time of going to press); fact is that in all probability, the overseas Pakistanis will not be able to vote in the forthcoming elections. One wonders why?

This “why” becomes relevant and interesting as one investigates a bit. To begin with, manifestos of almost all political parties grant the overseas Pakistanis this right; most leaders from Bilawal Bhutto to Nawaz Sharif have made promises of this throughout 2012, if not earlier — especially during their speeches abroad.

The Supreme Court, perhaps now the most powerful institution in the land, is blowing hot and cold over the issue but this noble rage now emanating from the bench also galvanized a bit too late in the day, somewhere in the middle of February 2013 and that, too, when the court found itself panting and defensive after its rather awkward comments about dual nationals during its furious exercise to politically guillotine Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri.

The overseas vote would have been a positive contribution for various reasons. Even if the expats are not educated they are more exposed to the workings of the world at large; they travel frequently, do financial and commercial transactions more often and mostly live in affluent societies with greater adjustment to the rule of law. Those who live in Europe and North America have experienced mature democracies and most importantly, by virtue of their physical dislocation they end up seeing the homeland as a holistic whole rather than a patchwork of ethnicities, districts and biradaris.

American scholar, Benedict Anderson’s concept of “imagined communities” may help to understand the psychological dynamics of Pakistani expats and diasporas who end up melting into national psyche different from the geographic divisions of those who live and vote inside Pakistan.

Perhaps, because of the peculiar, unpredictable and uncontrollable nature of this vote many inside the Pakistani patchwork of power and politics were afraid of this voting bloc of more than four million. Anyone who has recently read the arguments of Election Commission (ECP) that “not enough time” is left before the elections to facilitate the overseas vote may end up sympathizing with this argument as simple logic and commonsense.

However, the record shows that ECP, NADRA and allied bureaucracies conspired from the beginning against the very concept of the overseas vote. ECP, for instance, in June 2010 in a meeting of the “Special Committee on the Right of Vote for Overseas Pakistanis” rejected the draft legislation for overseas vote.

In the years since then, whenever the subject evenly faintly cropped up for one or the other reason, ECP babus —  with expressions as grim and tragic as those of doctors announcing stillbirth to an expectant mother — extended an amazing range of arguments against the overseas vote.

They told media that overseas vote will be impractical, expensive and a logistical nightmare; it will bring down the credibility of overall elections because authenticity of the voters cannot be verified; it will need amendments to the constitution of Pakistan, to the Representation of Public Act 1976, Delimitation of Constituencies Act 1974, Electoral Polls Act 1974 and to host of other laws and that it will need an enabling legislation — an argument that ECP continued to advance before the Supreme Court till March of 2013 without making any progress on such an enabling legislation.

Was that sheer incompetence, failure of imagination or a well thought out political conspiracy? It may be difficult to conclude but the arguments advanced by ECP were often hilarious and exhibited a mindset and level of consciousness more suited to the middle of 20th century rather than the 21st century of Internet banking, phone transactions, ipads and Blackberries.

ECP, for instance, kept on arguing that identities of voters cannot be verified on Internet or online ignoring that financial transactions worth billions take place daily through electronic identifications and handshakes without either party seeing the other in the old fashioned physical sense.

Given ECP’s fears and insecurities it would have been meaningless to offer examples of the U.S., U.K., Italy, Russia, Australia and Indonesia that offered overseas voting rights, for, ECP could reject them as rich and developed countries.

But unfortunately, the ECP remained unimpressed even by examples of Egypt and Iraq. Finally, in February and March, Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf of Imran Khan, conducted an online voting exercise in which more than five million people participated — showing to the whole world “where there is a will, there is a way.”

Again, at April-end, Pakistan’s Foreign Office confirmed that countries like Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, UAE, U.S., U.K. and Australia have granted the permission for overseas Pakistanis to vote. ECP had consistently, argued for the past several years that most countries, especially in Middle East will not allow such voting due to fear of political violence and law and order situations. Now when we know, thanks to the Foreign Office, that these countries have agreed, one wonders why we did not press hard in the past few years?

Was there politics behind ECP’s long list of excuses? One may never be able to conclude with certainty. But the fact that only PTI and MQM took up the issue with any degree of seriousness may point to something.

MQM first talked of a private member’s bill to facilitate overseas voting in October 2012, though it tabled it much late in February 2013. PTI petitioned the Supreme Court in December 2012 and it was this petition that finally lead to the judicial furore in February this year.

PTI remains the only party that was still raising a shout on the issue in mid-April. What about other main parties? Given the fact that coalition from 2008 onwards was led by PPP and PML-N was the opposition with teeth and muscle, it may not be difficult to argue that for some reasons both these parties were not eager for millions of overseas Pakistanis to vote in 2013.

Dr. Maleeha Lodhi Former Ambassador in an exclusive interview with Dr. Moeed Pirzada

Interview was done just at the time of General Elections 2013. Dr Maleeha lodhi is former ambassador and a political commentator. In this program Dr pirzada discusses with her Elections 2013 scenario, how it was different from 2008 elections, what would be challenges for new Government etc.

Dr maleeha lodhi was of the view that 2013 elections were totally different from 2008 Elections as there were only two parties at that time with real competition one was PPP and rest anti PPP. But in 2013 PTI was also a stake holder and three parties were in competition in almost 60% of National Assembly seats. She also said that PPP was not virtually present in the scenario and the vote they gained in 2008 also consisted of sympathy votes after death of their leader Benazir Bhutto. She also criticizes strategy of PPP to run add campaign against PMLN as that would affect their credibility in elections 2013 which shows that PPP has nothing to offer to the masses so they are criticizing PMLN in the election campaigns. She also said that PPP thought that their real opponents in elections 2013 is PMLN and PTI will not affect the vote count of PPP.

She also said that due to addition of new young voters the lansdscape of 2013 elections will be changed as well.

Academic Aspects of Elements of National Power and National Security Policy

Dr. Moeed Participated in 2 days seminar at command and staff college, Quetta on 6 and 7 May 2013 to discuss on “Academic Aspects of Elements of National Power and National Security Policy”.

Pirzada discussed the elements of national power,national security planning process and role of state and non state actors as instruments of national power.Dr Moeed was the panelist member of that seminar.

Slap on the face of Pakistani Media..?

Moeed Pirzada |

Slap on the face of Pakistani Media..? I have posted a story from India’s most liberal paper, The Hindu. The story describes the attack on the Pakistani prisoner, Sanna Ullah, in an Indian Jail in Jammu. The opening line describes him as a “terror convict” which is accurate since this is what a court decided. However in case of Pakistan both TV and Print stories kept on describing Sarabjeet as a “Jasoos” despite the fact that he was convicted for acts of terrorism, leading to the death of at least 14 persons.

Sarabjeet was a convicted terrorist (wrongly described as a Jasoos by all Pakistani TV Tickers & News Bulletins) and was on death row, since his appeals against capital punishment were rejected by the President Musharraf

Pakistani media, DN’s, Reporters, Anchors, Ticker Editors, Assignment Desk Editors need to read this Hindu story carefully to see how throughout it hammers to the reader that “Sana Ullah” was a bad man, and how it belittles the gross and crass violation of rule of law and Jail Administration when this prisoner who is not even on death row was attacked apparently by an ex-serviceman of Indian Army by a weapon that should not not have been available inside the jail, and how this was a clear “revenge” to what tragically happened to “Sarabjeet” in Lahore and how Jail Authorities in Jammu – who were warned by the Union Govt that such reactions can happen – did not do any thing to prevent such an attack.

Read more: Failure for whom?

Also note the softer reaction of Indian government as compared to the Chief Minister Najam Sethi, in Lahore whose administration has correctly suspended the Jail Superintendent for his negligence. What happened to Sarabjeet in Lahore was tragic. Though Sarabjeet was a convicted terrorist (wrongly described as a Jasoos by all Pakistani TV Tickers & News Bulletins) and was on death row, since his appeals against capital punishment were rejected by the President Musharraf (Once a President rejects an appeal, his office cannot review it again; that’s why President Zardari found it difficult to set him free, otherwise he would have gone to moon to please New Delhi on this issue), his murder inside by other death row convicts was a huge failure of the Jail authorities in Lahore for he could only be executed by the state and state had not decided to do so.

his murder inside by other death row convicts was a huge failure of the Jail authorities in Lahore for he could only be executed by the state and state had not decided to do so.

In 2007 or 2008, I had written a piece in Khaleej Times, “Don’t Hang Sarabjeet” and I still believed that we should not have, but we could not have released him either because New Delhi continuously dealt with the issue in manner (for instance the hanging of Afzal Guru) that restricted the political space for the Pakistani government. However the “Revenge” inside a Jammu Jail in equally suspicious circumstances against a 60-plus Pakistani prisoner has taken away the basis of whatever moral argument the Indians were trying to make. In the end, we both have proved that we are equally uncivilized and crude people – members of the same family, just against each other.

Though Pakistani Media needs to learn from the Hindu story. Describing Sarabjeet as a “Jasoos” despite court convictions was inaccurate and a huge professional failure and did’nt reflect good on Editorial bosses and Director News of so many TV channels.

 

Moeed Pirzada is prominent TV Anchor & commentator; he studied international relations at Columbia Univ, New York and law at London School of Economics. Twitter: MoeedNj. The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Global Village Space’s editorial policy. This piece was first published in Moeed Pirzada’s official page. It has been reproduced with permission.

Slap on the face of Pakistani Media..?

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FB Blog

Slap on the face of Pakistani Media..? I have posted a story from India’s most liberal paper, The Hindu. The story describes the attack on the Pakistani prisoner, Sanna Ullah, in an Indian Jail in Jammu. The opening line describes him as a “terror convict” which is accurate since this is what a court decided. However in case of Pakistan both TV and Print stories kept on describing Sarabjeet as a “Jasoos” despite the fact that he was convicted for acts of terrorism, leading to the death of at least 14 persons.

Pakistani media, DN’s, Reporters, Anchors, Ticker Editors, Assignment Desk Editors need to read this Hindu story carefully to see how throughout it hammers to the reader that “Sana Ullah” was a bad man, and how it belittles the gross and crass violation of rule of law and Jail Administration when this prisoner who is not even on death row was attacked apparently by an ex-serviceman of Indian Army by a weapon that should not not have been available inside the jail, and how this was a clear “revenge” to what tragically happened to “Sarabjeet” in Lahore and how Jail Authorities in Jammu – who were warned by the Union Govt that such reactions can happen – did not do any thing to prevent such an attack.

Also note the softer reaction of Indian government as compared to the Chief Minister Najam Sethi, in Lahore whose administration has correctly suspended the Jail Superintendent for his negligence. What happened to Sarabjeet in Lahore was tragic. Though Sarabjeet was a convicted terrorist (wrongly described as a Jasoos by all Pakistani TV Tickers & News Bulletins) and was on death row, since his appeals against capital punishment were rejected by the President Musharraf (Once a President rejects an appeal, his office cannot review it again; that’s why President Zardari found it difficult to set him free, otherwise he would have gone to moon to please New Delhi on this issue), his murder inside by other death row convicts was a huge failure of the Jail authorities in Lahore for he could only be executed by the state and state had not decided to do so.

In 2007 or 2008, I had written a piece in Khaleej Times, “Don’t Hang Sarabjeet” and I still believed that we should not have, but we could not have released him either because New Delhi continuously dealt with the issue in manner (for instance the hanging of Afzal Guru) that restricted the political space for the Pakistani government. However the “Revenge” inside a Jammu Jail in equally suspicious circumstances against a 60-plus Pakistani prisoner has taken away the basis of whatever moral argument the Indians were trying to make. In the end, we both have proved that we are equally uncivilized and crude people – members of the same family, just against each other.

Though Pakistani Media needs to learn from the Hindu story. Describing Sarabjeet as a “Jasoos” despite court convictions was inaccurate and a huge professional failure and did’nt reflect good on Editorial bosses and Director News of so many TV channels.

Women and Child Care, World Immunization Week on Mother and Child Care, Islamabad, 25th April 2013

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ImmuniDr. Pirzada participated in a conference, “World Immunization Week on Mother and Child Care”. It was held at Islamabad on 25th April, 2013.  The Chief Guest of the event was Mr. Mir Hassan Domki, Minister for Inter Provincial Coordination.

Other Panelist included: Dr. Naima, WHO, Karen Allen, Unicef, Dr. Zahid Larik, National Manager, Expanded Program on Immunization, Furqan Bahadur, Additional Secretary, Ministry of IPC and Tauseeq Haider, Black Box Sounds, Development Communication Company.

Leadership in Strategic Health Communications, John Hopkins University and Centre for Communication Program (CCP), Margalla Hotel, Islamabad, 31st March 2013

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PBCDr. Pirzada participated in a ceremony of the workshop, “Leadership in Strategic Health Communication” organized jointly by John Hopkins University and Centre for Communication Program (CCP), at Margalla Hotel on 31st March, 2013. He was the Key Note Speaker at the concluding ceremony.

Dr. Benjamin V. Lozare (John Hopkins University), Atif Akram (CCP) and Safi Basit (CCP) also spoke on the occasion. Dr. Pirzada distributed certificates to 22 Print & Broadcast journalists who had successfully completed the training workshop.

Shaikh Rasheed Ahmed exclusive talk in Tonight with Moeed Pirzada

It was time when there was interim setup in the country before elections 2013. At that time interim setup Prime Minister name was not finalized. PPP and PMLN couldn’t decide with mutual consent the name of Interim PM. Shaikh rasheed criticized that it was all show up . They are just staging a drama otherwise in last 4 and half year both parties PMLN and PPP were helping each other.

He criticized PMLN opposition in the interview. Also criticized mega projects of roads and bridges in Rawalpindi during PMLN government in Punjab.

TV Belt and the Outsider

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Moeed Pirzada | PIQUE |

A leading politician in Punjab, a PML-N hard hitter, recently confided in me: “TV has changed my politics; I don’t have to spend as much time in the constituency, my voters love me for this national persona TV has given me and many of us”.

Others — mostly in the ruling PPP — have often complained that this 24/7 TV has presented a very unjust and flawed picture of them, their party and politics. Neither of these statements has any shock value, if anything they come close to the received wisdom of media’s large role in Pakistani politics and how it may decide the fate of politicians and political parties in the coming elections.

However, a closer examination of the dynamics and emerging trends of Pakistani media — for instance, political alignments, advertisement relations, regional concentrations and its ability or inability to traverse patterns of regional and ethnic prejudices may show that the interaction of media with politics is not all that simple. Three factors must be kept in mind.

One, Pakistani national Urdu TV that is often referred to as “media” in common parlance has most of its narrative shaping influence in central and north Punjab and parts of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. In the U.S., we often hear of a bible belt; today, there exists a “TV belt” in Pakistan that stretches from Lahore and Faisalabad in the east to Attock in the west.

In this media belt corruption, war against terrorism, American highhandedness, gas and electricity shortages have all emerged as defining themes and PPP and its allies have therefore, remained at the receiving end.

In comparison, PML-N, Supreme Court and PTI have fared much better in public consciousness. But this national media that speaks in Urdu has limited penetration in interior Sindh, Seraiki belt in Punjab, Balochistan and peripheral parts of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa where the old narratives of persecution by the outsiders and a strong centre run strong.

Karachi which is the biggest market for Urdu media has its own way of looking at national politics — for instance, the over-riding favourable view of Nawaz Sharif in national media fails to reduce the suspicions in which most Karachites still hold him. These entrenched internal narratives in various parts of Pakistan will play an important part in the coming elections and will reject all kinds of media communications from the outside.

Second, almost all political parties in power either in the centre or the provinces have, in the past few months, invested heavily into buying the goodwill of media managers and key opinion makers. These strategic investments either through generous advertisement schemes or direct personal favours have created strong alignments inside the media, which are already visible. There is no single over-riding definition or opinion of ‘public interest’ anymore, and these various rival influences will fall over each other to sing their “master’s voices” before and during the elections — often dissipating each other’s effect. So there will be lot of acidity and noise in the media but no clear direction to impact on the fate of political parties.

Third, in the last several months, Pakistani TV media has gradually lost its position to the Internet. All major news eruptions or scandals — be it related to Dr. Arsalan Iftikhar and Supreme Court or Malik Riaz and TV anchors — that have shocked the public have first appeared on the Internet. TV viewers have expanded exponentially in the last one decade but a much bigger growth has taken place in the ranks of those who make their minds through Internet.

Hina Rabbani Khar Foreign Minister of Pakistan in an exclusive interview with Dr. Moeed Pirzada

She was the youngest woman foreign minister in Islamic World. It was historic interview as few months were left before elections 2013. Dr Pirzada discusses the challenges faced by PPP government related to Pakistan’s foreign relations. She said that she was appointed suddenly and was surprised as Foreign ministry was new to her. She was made Foreign minister after PPP earlier foreign minister resigned and left the party.

She said there was nothing new in getting government positions as she was already elected twice and was made minister of state for economic affairs division. She said being in this previous position she was used to meet other countries officials and ambassadors as economic affairs are also prominent part of our diplomacy. She said she has this knowhow and exposure with foreign delegates and countries high officials.

Moeed Pirzada & William Dalrymple

The program is hosted by Moeed Pirzada and guest of the program is the famous writer, historian and broad caster William De Rample. This progarm is about William experiences and interest in muslim and hindustani culture and his different works in the field of history, writing and broad casting.  During the interview he tells that he lived in India for almost 30 years and that was the main reason behind having so much interest in the culture of Hindustan. He was brought up in beautiful land of Scotland in United Kingdom. He said when he visited India he suddenly fell in love with the area

Punjab Governments experience on Public Health Issues: Roundtable with Pakistan Muslim League (PMLN), Friday, 1st March 2013

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The roundtable discussion on public health issues was held with the PMLN team.  The PML-N was led by prominent politician and technocrat, Mr. Sartaj Aziz, who headed their Manifesto Committee and has been an ex-Finance & ex-Foreign Minister of Pakistan. He was assisted by Mr. Salman Rafique, Special Adviser on Health to the Chief Minister Punjab. Mr. Arif Nadeem, Health Secretary to the government of Punjab. Dr. Saeed Illahi, Parliamentary Secretary Health PMLN, Punjab, Ms. Anousha Rehman, Member National Assembly (PMLN), Dr. Asad Ashraf  Member Health Commission Punjab (MPA, PMLN) and Dr. Ajmal, Secretary Punjab Health Commission also participated. The discussion with the PMLN has a special significance for the international community because this is one political party that had hands on experience of running the health policy and confronting the related implementation challenges in the largest province of Pakistan, with a population over 100 million.

In terms of issues specific to Punjab, Dr. Nabeela, chief of Party, JSI drew attention of the PMLN team to the “Under 5 Mortality in Punjab and its determinants and pointed out its correlations with socio-economic status, rural urban divide and gender issues. She also pointed out that though Punjab is better administered and governed but malnutrition and poverty are rising leading to the growing challenges of stunting, wasting and underweight in children.  She emphasized that confidence in the public sector health facilities is declining even in Punjab leading to rise in ‘out of pocket expenditures’ which keep lower middle class families continuously at the edge of an economic emergency. Finally she focused at length on the implications of growing internal migration, how Lahore (population 0.7 million in 1947) has grown to a city of more than 10 million, continuously expanding outwards and creating poor shanty towns inside its large unmanageable structure.

From PMLN, Khawaja Salman Rafique pointed out that many who have not dealt with the practical problems of the health management in a province as large as Punjab, or whose perspective is purely theoretic don’t understand that many challenges, not directly related to health policy, keep impacting the physical and human resources of his team. He explained how unexpected challenges cropped up in the form of Dengue epidemic and strikes by the young doctors across Punjab that kept him and his team busy. He also argued that Punjab in the last five years has seen little political interference and health spending has gone up from around Rs. 18 billion to Rs. 80 billion. Sartaj Aziz pointed out that from a government’s point of view and from a policy maker’s point of view it is important to realize that all sorts of limitations exist and not all desires can be achieved. He divulged the information, from PMLN’s manifesto, that their goal will be to reach a 2% GDP spending on health within the next five years, keeping in viewing a potentially expanding economy. He added that 18th amendment and 7th NFC awards have created new challenges and problems. These challenges have arisen at the level of both the center and the provinces and the role of international donors has increased. He argued that donors need to create new funding mechanisms and solutions to address these challenges.

Peace without Principles?

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Moeed Pirzada | The Nation |

I was listening to Abu Mazen. This is how the Arab people and many Middle Eastern diplomats in Islamabad refer to Mahmoud Abbas, President of Palestine. This is coup d’état. He was talking of his conflict with Hamas in Gaza. With barely restrained anger, with emotions oozing out of his tired eyes, this 78-year-old comrade, founder member of Fatah, and a lifelong companion of Arafat described Palestinian’s inner conflict – with Fatah running a few miles of the territory on West Bank and Hamas on another small strip of land in Gaza – only as coup d’état by Hamas, only a rebellion. I wondered: will Abu Mazen even attempt explaining what led to that rebellion, that ensuing tragedy, which broke the Palestinian ranks and divided and destroyed their power to negotiate with Israel? What eroded their ability to sway the global opinion? But he didn’t.

President Mahmoud Abbas was in Islamabad to lay down the foundation stone of what will be the first formal brick and mortar Embassy of the Palestinian state. I asked him: “What has he achieved by the UN General Assembly granting the non-member status to Palestine in November?” He explained: “From disputed territories, now we have become a state under occupation.” Did he say: “A state under occupation?”

My head started to spin. Suddenly lost in time and space, vision after vision danced – without any respect for political correctness or chronology – on the kaleidoscope of my mind: the whole history of Palestine, Zionist Movement, Arab-Israel conflict, inquisition of Muslims and Jews in Spain, British mandate, anti-Semitism of the Europeans, holocaust by Germans, Nakba of 1948, Suez Canal crisis, 1967 and Israeli planes knocking out the scions of Pharaohs, sickening feeling of defeat and despair shared by us all, Pakistani crowds shouting on the streets, Tariq Ali on the sidewalks of Lahore, London and Oxford, Egyptian tanks rolling in Yom Kippur War, Pakistani mullahs damaging their vocal cords against America and Israel in their khutbas, Camp David with Begin and Sadat shaking hands, and then Muslim brotherhood quenching their rage of impotency with the blood of Sadat.

The disturbing visions, at times blurred with halos, kept appearing: screaming children from Sabra and Shatila oozing out from the screens of PTV, Lebanon’s occupation, Marine Barracks bombing, the first Intifada, Oslo Accord, two-state solution, Abu Mazen signing the recognition of Israel in the lawns of White House, Edward Said’s warnings and parting of ways with Arafat, second Intifada, Hezbollah blowing the myth of the invincibility of Markova tanks, first Gulf War, American troops in Saudi Arabia, al-Qaeda, Osama bin Laden, horrors of 9/11, stench of burnt human flesh and the horrors of imperial revenge that followed, drone strikes in Pakistan, in Yemen and everywhere. And Abu Mazen tells me that from disputed territories, we have now become a state under occupation? Am I really hearing this? Is he serious? Did he and his comrades, ever realised that along with their Palestinian brothers, how much Muslims worldwide and in Pakistan have suffered, became radicalised; and how politics of anti-West, rejection of modernity and material world evolved in these faraway lands, to a great extent, by associating with the plight of Palestinians?

In the post-9/11 political discourse, the Western governments and intellectuals are hell-bent, for obvious reasons, in not accepting that the Islam versus the West polarisation, which shaped the consciousness across the Muslim world, after Second World War, to the huge detriment of this blue planet, has mostly to do with this Arab-Israel conflict where religious identity and ancient scriptures were used to justify conquest and displacement of one people by another, thus injecting politics of religion into the post-war Middle Eastern discourse. And even today, though much water has flowed under the bridge, the resolution of this internecine conflict into a sustainable peace there, on that tiny piece of land, may help to improve the mental schisms everywhere on the planet, for all of us.

Talking to the head of a state – even one under occupation – has certain decorum, etiquettes and limitations and it was not possible for me to follow the trajectory of my politically incorrect brain waves to grill Abu Mazen on his contradictions. He asserted the jargon of received wisdom, that the “two-state solution” is the only way forward, and defended the recognition of Israel through the Oslo Accord, though he agreed that this recognition was offered in lieu of promises that never materialised, for the final settlement negotiations to be completed in five years could never conclude.

For that he blamed the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, and the stringency of successive Israeli governments, the rightward shift of the Israeli politics and the emergence of unsavoury characters like B.B. Netanyahu. He was emphatic that Hamas’s rejection of Israel is only cosmetic for when Hamas talks of the “two-state solution”, then that second state has to exist.

He was right; Hamas’s rejection of Israel is not absolute; in fact, it exhibits all signs of its willingness to recognise Israel. But Hamas has certain terms and conditions on its mind; and despite neck breaking pressure by the US and the Europeans, it wants to bargain for something in return. And as it happens in a conversation, Abu Mazen, unconsciously, ended up giving conceptual legitimacy to what Hamas thinks.

When I asked him that now since you have recognised the state of Israel and in our neighbourhood India too has recognised – and benefitted tremendously to our great disadvantage – then will it not be helpful if Pakistan also recognises the state of Israel? “No, Pakistan should wait, till the Middle East Peace Process is accepted by Israel”, was his reply. Though there is hardly any evidence that Pakistan’s non-acceptance provides a meaningful leverage to the Palestinians – whose internal disunity is a gift to the Israelis – but it was clear that Abu Mazen thinks that recognition by Pakistan and some remaining Muslim countries like Iran or Tunis will provide a bargaining chip. But this is precisely what Hamas is looking for: bargaining a better deal.

And whatever Abu Mazen or Fatah may tell us, the Oslo Accord was that bad bargain, that “peace without principles”, which delegitimised and destroyed the spirit of the Palestinian movement. Edward Said – the towering Palestinian intellectual at Columbia University, the paradigm transforming author of ‘Orientalism’ – had warned then in a remarkably prescient piece, “The Morning After”, that appeared in the London Review of Books in October 1993, that Arafat and PLO have given away all what they had in return for nothing; he warned that Israel would not be under pressure to deliver and soon this will lead to internal dissention and revolt amongst the Palestinians and by the time a “final settlement” takes place, the Palestinians will be too weak to negotiate anything effectively. The destruction of Palestinian movement was inherent in the nature of Oslo Accord, that as Edward Said had predicted, turned PLO into a security guard for Israel.

In January of 1999, Edward Said argued in another landmark piece, “The One-State Solution”, published in the New York Times that the only and the only way to achieve sustainable piece in Middle East will be possible with a bi-national fully democratic state for Jews, Muslims and Christians. This may still look absurd today, and a newspaper article has its limitations in explaining; but this “One-State Solution” is the only way forward for them and for all of us.

Moeed Pirzada & Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas

Interview was recorded in Feb 2013 when President of Palestine was on a visit to Pakistan. He said that Pakistan and Palestine have long historical relations and Palestine wanted to grow those relations. He said that Palestine is a recognized as a state although most of its territory is declared occupied by Israel. He praised role of Pakistan in order to help getting membership and asking other countries to vote for Palestine to become member in United Nations.

President discusses conflict on Palestine and Israel, its history and future recommendations to solve this problem. He says that current Isareli government doesn’t  want peace in the region.

He criticized Hamas Organization to make a separate government in Palestine. He said that government believes in democracy and want Hamas to go for elections so far they are reluctant and not willing to go for elections. He tells that one state is not solution to Palestine problems but they want two states which is the only solution to this conflict as Palestinians want their own state.